If we look into history we shall find that laws are conventions between men in a state of freedom. By justice we understand nothing more than the bond which is necessary to keep the interest of individuals united, without which men would return to their original state of barbarity. All punishments which exceed the necessity of preserving this bond are unjust in their nature.

The result of any punishment should be no other than prevention a criminal from doing further injury to society, and prevention others from committing the like offence. Therefore there ought to be chosen such punishments and such modes of inflicting them that make the strongest and most lasting impressions on the minds of others, with the least torment to the body of the criminal.

The torture of a criminal during the course of his trial is a cruelty consecrated by custom in most nations. It is used with an intent either to make him confess in his crime, or to explain some contradiction into which he had been led during his examination, or discover his accomplices, or for some kind of metaphysical and incomprehensible purgation of infamy, or, finally, in order to discover other crimes of which he is not accused of, but of which he may be guilty.

No man can be judged a criminal until he is found guilty; nor can society take from him the public protection until it has been proved that he has violated the conditions on which it was granted. In the eye of the law, every man is innocent until his crime has been proved. Crimes are more effectually prevented by the certainty than the severity of punishment.

The more cruel the punishments become, the more hardened and insensible people turn to be. All severity is superfluous, and therefore tyrannical.

The death penalty is pernicious to society, it is the example of barbarity. If the passions, or the necessity of war, have taught men to shed blood of their fellow creatures, the laws, which are intended to moderate the ferocity of mankind, should not increase it by examples of barbarity. It is even more horrible that this punishment is usually attended with formal pageantry. Isn"t it absurd, that the laws, which detest and punish homicide, should, in order to prevent murder, publicly commit murder themselves?

It is better to prevent crimes than to punish them. This should be the fundamental principle of any good legislation.

Преступление и наказание

Если заглянуть в историю, мы увидим, что законы по сути есть условности между людьми в состоянии свободы. Под справедливостью мы понимаем узы, которые необходимо сохраняют интересы людей объединенными, без которых люди вернутся в первоначальное состояние варварства. Все наказания, которые превышают необходимость сохранения этой связи, являются по своей природе несправедливыми.

Конечной целью наказания является не что иное, как предотвращение нанесения преступником нового вреда обществу, и препятствование подобных преступлений. Следовательно, должны быть выбраны такое наказания и такие способы нанесения их, которые произведут самые сильные и неизгладимые впечатления на умы других людей, с наименьшей мукой для преступника.

Пытки преступника в ходе судебного процесса над ним являются жестоким освященным обычаем в большинстве стран. Они используются с намерением либо заставить его сознаться в своем преступлении, или объяснить какое-то противоречие, в ходе его рассмотрения, или открыть его сообщников, или для какого-то метафизического и непонятного очищения от позора, или, наконец, для того, чтобы обнаружить и другие преступления, по которым его не обвиняли, но в которых он может быть виновным.

Ни один человек не может быть осужденным, пока он не был признан виновным, и не может общество забрать у него защиту, пока не было доказано, что он нарушил условия, на которых она была предоставлена. С точки зрения закона, каждый человек невиновен, пока преступление не было доказано. Преступления более действенно предотвратить, чем быть уверенным в строгости наказания.

В той же мере как наказания становились более жестокими, сознание людей ставало более закаленными и бесчувственным. Вся жесткость является лишней и, следовательно, тиранической.

Смертная казнь является пагубной для общества, она дает пример варварства. Если страсти, или необходимость войны, учит людей проливать кровь ближних, законы, которые призваны смягчить жестокость человечества, не должны увеличить его на примерах жестокости, тем более ужасно, что этот вид наказания, как правило, сопряжен с официальными зрелищами. Разве это не абсурдно, что законы, которые ненавидят и наказывают за убийство, должны, с тем чтобы предотвратить убийства, публично взять на себя убийство?

Лучше не допускать совершения преступлений, чем наказывать их. Это и есть фундаментальный принцип хорошего законодательства.

If we look into history we shall find that laws, which are, or ought to be, conventions between men in a state of freedom, have been, for the most part the work of the passions of a few, or the consequences of a fortuitous or temporary necessity.Observe that by justice I understand nothing more than that bond which is necessary to keep the interest of individuals united, without which men would return to their original state of barbarity. All punishments which exceed the necessity of preserving this bond are in their nature unjust.

The end of punishment, therefore, is no other than to prevent the criminal from doing further injury to society, and to prevent others from committing the like offence. Such punishments, therefore, and such a mode of inflicting them, ought to be chosen, as will make the strongest and most lasting impressions on the minds of others, with the least torment to the body of the criminal.

The torture of a criminal during the course of his trial is a cruelty consecrated by custom in most nations. It is used with an intent either to make him confess his crime, or to explain some contradiction into which he had been led during his examination, or discover his accomplices, or for some kind of metaphysical and incomprehensible purgation of infamy, or, finally, in order to discover other crimes of which he is not accused, but of which he may be guilty.

No man can be judged a criminal until he be found guilty; nor can society take from him the public protection until it have been proved that he has violated the conditions on which it was granted. What right, then, but that of power, can authorise the punishment of a citizen so long as there remains any doubt of his guilt? This dilemma is frequent. Either he is guilty, or not guilty. If guilty, he should only suffer the punishment ordained by the laws, and torture becomes useless, as his confession is unnecessary. If he be not guilty, you torture the innocent; for, in the eye of the law, every man is innocent whose crime has not been proved.Crimes are more effectually prevented by the certainty than the severity of punishment.

In proportion as punishments become more cruel, the minds of men, as a fluid rises to the same height with that which surrounds it, grow hardened and insensible; and the force of the passions still continuing in the space of an hundred years the wheel terrifies no more than formerly the prison. That a punishment may produce the effect required, it is sufficient that the evil it occasions should exceed the good expected from the crime, including in the calculation the certainty of the punishment, and the privation of the expected advantage. All severity beyond this is superfluous, and therefore tyrannical.

The death penalty is pernicious to society, from the example of barbarity it affords. If the passions, or the necessity of war, have taught men to shed the blood of their fellow creatures, the laws, which are intended to moderate the ferocity of mankind, should not increase it by examples of barbarity, the more horrible as this punishment is usually attended with formal pageantry. Is it not absurd, that the laws, which detest and punish homicide, should, in order to prevent murder, publicly commit murder themselves?

It is better to prevent crimes than to punish them. This is the fundamental principle of good legislation, which is the art of conducting men to the maximum of happiness, and to the minimum of misery, if we may apply this mathematical expression to the good and evil of life....

Would you prevent crimes? Let the laws be clear and simple, let the entire force of the nation be united in their defence, let them be intended rather to favour every individual than any particular classes of men; let the laws be feared, and the laws only. The fear of the laws is salutary, but the fear of men is a fruitful and fatal source of crimes.

If we look into history we shall find that laws, which are, or ought to be, conventions between men in a state of freedom, have been, for the most part the work of the passions of a few, or the consequences of a fortuitous or temporary necessity. Observe that by justice I understand nothing more than that bond which is necessary to keep the interest of individuals united, without which men would return to their original state of barbarity. All punishments which exceed the necessity of preserving this bond are in their nature unjust.

The end of punishment, therefore, is no other than to prevent the criminal from doing further injury to society, and to prevent others from committing the like offence. Such punishments, therefore, and such a mode of inflicting them, ought to be chosen, as will make the strongest and most lasting impressions on the minds of others, with the least torment to the body of the criminal.

The torture of a criminal during the course of his trial is a cruelty consecrated by custom in most nations. It is used with an intent either to make him confess his crime, or to explain some contradiction into which he had been led during his examination, or discover his accomplices, or for some kind of metaphysical and incomprehensible purgation of infamy, or, finally, in order to discover other crimes of which he is not accused, but of which he may be guilty.

No man can be judged a criminal until he be found guilty; nor can society take from him the public protection until it have been proved that he has violated the conditions on which it was granted. What right, then, but that of power, can authorise the punishment of a citizen so long as there remains any doubt of his guilt? This dilemma is frequent. Either he is guilty, or not guilty. If guilty, he should only suffer the punishment ordained by the laws, and torture becomes useless, as his confession is unnecessary. If he be not guilty, you torture the innocent; for, in the eye of the law, every man is innocent whose crime has not been proved. Crimes are more effectually prevented by the certainty than the severity of punishment.

In proportion as punishments become more cruel, the minds of men, as a fluid rises to the same height with that which surrounds it, grow hardened and insensible; and the force of the passions still continuing in the space of an hundred years the wheel terrifies no more than formerly the prison. That a punishment may produce the effect required, it is sufficient that the evil it occasions should exceed the good expected from the crime, including in the calculation the certainty of the punishment, and the privation of the expected advantage. All severity beyond this is superfluous, and therefore tyrannical.

The death penalty is pernicious to society, from the example of barbarity it affords. If the passions, or the necessity of war, have taught men to shed the blood of their fellow creatures, the laws, which are intended to moderate the ferocity of mankind, should not increase it by examples of barbarity, the more horrible as this punishment is usually attended with formal pageantry. Is it not absurd, that the laws, which detest and punish homicide, should, in order to prevent murder, publicly commit murder themselves?

It is better to prevent crimes than to punish them. This is the fundamental principle of good legislation, which is the art of conducting men to the maximum of happiness, and to the minimum of misery, if we may apply this mathematical expression to the good and evil of life….

Would you prevent crimes? Let the laws be clear and simple, let the entire force of the nation be united in their defence, let them be intended rather to favour every individual than any particular classes of men; let the laws be feared, and the laws only. The fear of the laws is salutary, but the fear of men is a fruitful and fatal source of crimes.

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Organized crime threatens peace and human security, violates human rights and undermines economic, social, cultural, political and civil development of societies around the world.

Transnational organized crime manifests in many forms, including as trafficking in drugs, firearms and even persons. At the same time, organized crime groups exploit human mobility to smuggle migrants and undermine financial systems through money laundering. The vast sums of money involved can compromise legitimate economies and directly impact public processes by "buying" elections through corruption. It yields high profits for its culprits and results in high risks for individuals who fall victim to it. Every year, countless individuals lose their lives at the hand of criminals involved in organized crime, succumbing to drug-related health problems or injuries inflicted by firearms, or losing their lives as a result of the unscrupulous methods and motives of human traffickers and smugglers of migrants.

Organized crime has diversified, gone global and reached macro-economic proportions: illicit goods may be sourced from one continent, trafficked across another, and marketed in a third. Transnational organized crime can permeate government agencies and institutions, fuelling corruption, infiltrating business and politics, and hindering economic and social development. And it is undermining governance and democracy by empowering those who operate outside the law.

The transnational nature of organized crime means that criminal networks forge bonds across borders as well as overcome cultural and linguistic differences in the commission of their crime. Organized crime is not stagnant, but adapts as new crimes emerge and as relationships between criminal networks become both more flexible, and more sophisticated, with ever-greater reach around the globe.

In short, transnational organized crime transcends cultural, social, linguistic and geographical borders and must be met with a concerted response.

Организованная преступность угрожает миру и человеческой безопасности, нарушает права человека и подрывает экономическое, социальное, культурное, политическое и гражданское развитие обществ во всем мире.

Межнациональная организованная преступность проявляет во многих формах, включая как торгующий наркотиками, огнестрельным оружием и даже людьми. В то же самое время группы организованной преступности эксплуатируют человеческую подвижность, чтобы провезти контрабандой мигрантов и подорвать финансовые системы посредством отмывания денег. Обширные вовлеченные денежные суммы могут поставить под угрозу законные экономические системы и непосредственно воздействовать на общественные процессы, "покупая" выборы через коррупцию. Это приводит к высокой прибыли для своих преступников и приводит к высоким рискам для людей, которые пали жертвой его. Каждый год бесчисленные люди погибают в руке преступников, вовлеченных в организованную преступность, уступая связанным с наркотиками проблемам со здоровьем или телесным повреждениям, нанесенным огнестрельным оружием, или погибая в результате недобросовестных методов и побуждений человеческих торговцев и контрабандистов мигрантов.

Организованная преступность разносторонне развилась, пошла глобальная и достигла макроэкономических пропорций: незаконные товары могут быть поставлены с одного континента, торговали через другого и продали в одной трети. Межнациональная организованная преступность может проникнуть в правительственных учреждениях и учреждениях, питая коррупцию, пропитывая бизнес и политику, и препятствуя экономическому и социальному развитию. И это подрывает управление и демократию, уполномочивая тех, кто действует вне закона.

Межнациональная природа организованной преступности означает, что преступные сети подделывают связи через границы так же как преодолевают культурные и лингвистические различия в комиссии их преступления. Организованная преступность не застойная, но приспосабливается, поскольку новые преступления появляются, и как отношения между преступными сетями становятся и более гибкими, и более сложными, с когда-либо большей досягаемостью во всем мире.

Короче говоря, межнациональная организованная преступность превышает культурные, социальные, лингвистические и географические границы и должна быть встречена совместным ответом.

Who are minors? It boys and girls aged 14 to 18 years. Proud, independent, ready to everyone to prove that they are. But proving that, you can get in a very unpleasant situation. In our society minors is one of the most numerous groups of the population (24,4%). Over the last ten years, juvenile delinquency has increased twice and is growing several times faster than all of the teen population of the country. Teenagers are carried out each year more than 300 thousand of criminal acts, of which about 100 thousand children under the age of criminal responsibility. The higher the proportion of serious crimes, dominated (up to 85%) crimes against property (theft, fraud, robbery, theft of a vehicle). It is increasingly common group character of the crimes, about 30% of crimes are committed by teenagers with the complicity of adults. This is generally the most dangerous crimes: banditry, murder, robbery. Increased and their public danger, - they have become more insolent, cynical, dangerous for life and health of others. The most dangerous thing is that participation in criminal groups becomes, in the eyes of children and teenagers prestigious activity. Often it becomes a certain limit desires and social expectations. Part minors dreams of joining the ranks of criminals and join the criminal structures. In the world provides “rejuvenation” of crime. The earlier a person becomes a criminal path, the less likely it is to be corrected, and the path will be longer and more dangerous. Growth of juvenile crime in Russia is consistent with global trends Over the last five years in the European countries, the number of crimes committed by minors has also increased from 40%to 70%.